History tells that we have existed in Africa, long before the our uneasy and stormy encounters with westerners, plus foisted importation, by the latter, of easterners, through time. This is a historical backdrop to our current amalgamation as one country of intricate heterogeneity of racial and cultural types. In this historic 'melting pot' Africans constitute the overwhelming majority, largely on the negative side: poverty, inequality, illiteracy, unemployment, and homelessness. These are the daunting challenges, which, in the context of the bill of rights entrenched in the national constitution, have become an awesome agenda for change. But what makes the situation even more complex is abject lack of understanding the etiology of these social pathologies, by the average African in particular. Such lack, in turn, or at least in part, makes him or her susceptible to political manipulation and indoctrination about how and why things have come to be what they are. As a consequence the bulk of the blame for the prevailing situation is placed rightly or wrongly on the doorstep of the government in power.
Until one comes across a poor, unemployed and homeless white person, it all is about the African plight. Until we come across an African millionaire, it is the white and no other person, who owns the means of production. Whilst economic history of the country tells us so, there is nothing in biological studies which says that human inventiveness is a racial endowment. An unemployed graduate, living side by side with an unskilled and unemployed( or unemployable) illiterate is an enigma of our era. Regardless of psychological assumptions about causal relationships impacting negatively on learning,intelligence, social conditions and scholastic achievements, we have reports on grade 12 graduates who have emerged from shack settlements to score a number distinction passes.
There are new challenges facing the youth in particular: the drug phenomenon, teenage pregnancy, crime rate and child-headed families. Of course poverty and unemployment are also cited as the major problems. But the latter is often exaggerated, since the youthful age falls largely into the education and training phase of one's life. Some of the young persons who are unemployed are also victims of unplanned pregnancy. There are also young persons who are born of educated parents, but have been reckless with self-management. The same recklessness has landed young persons in drug abuse, starting with tobacco and/or liquor. The crime rate is dominated by the youth of varied backgrounds. Unfortunately the law enforcement mechanisms seem to have been compromised by the newly enjoined human rights culture. On the other the judicial establishment looks and sounds quite distant and indifferent to the telling indices of social degradation central to the scourge of crime and requiring a different and situational jurisprudence. Against this background it is not unusual to have someone released on bail or parole to commit the same or related offence. It has become 'a paradise won' for criminal offenders and would- be offenders.
Some of the problems referred to above are not entirely new. We could blame them on poor parental care, destruction of social fabric or other factors external to the individual. But we have always observed persons losing their heads, whilst others retained theirs under the same circumstances. Persons who have been to boarding schools and universities would attest to a myriad of unwholesome influences, brought to bear on youngish and/ or impressionable individuals, some of whom would undergo character change for the worse and for keeps. What is the magic of those who survive the onslaught? Internal LOCUS OF CONTROL, apart from tuition from home, church or elsewhere. Nothing beats self- control, self- direction and self- propulsion in life.
Until fairly recently university education was a 'rail warrant' to greener pastures in varied occupations in the public and private sectors. Certain prestigious occupations in applied natural sciences and commercial fields, have been marvelous attractions. But today students have to be very careful about environmental scanning. What counted a lot in yester years is no longer the case. For example, there are options wherein the teaching career has gone beyond the saturation point. Yet the service providers seem to continue churning out more of the less or least required. Clearly there is a need for a dramatic shift from the notion of job- seeking. The snobbish appeal which university education has enjoyed for many years, beckons a drastic re- look. Whose university, whose purpose?
We appreciate expressions of commitment from top-most political role-functionaries, at different tiers of governance in our country.
But do we ever bother to unpack the concept of 'state' with regard to SONA or SOPA? Does it project a diagnosis or empirical determination of what is, alongside a general programme of action in response? Or is it an overarching statement of policy intent? There would definitely be differences in regard to explication of focal areas for the province and the country. But whatever this presentation relates to, it would make a lot of sense to know the standard format in which it is cast and the depth of treatment which it should entail. Otherwise how do we judge or appreciate the inclusions of a provincial presentation by Premier Panyaza Lesufi of Gauteng, versus that of Premier Thami Ntuli of KZN, given that the theme is the same? There would definitely be the common as well as diverse elements of the provincial make-up. For example, Gauteng is largely a conurbation, while KZN is a largely rural configuration. But there are prevailing commonalities as well.
Being an august position statement,or statement of accountability, or both, SONA or SOPA should not be taken for a long unstructured essay, crafted at the pleasure of who takes the rostrum.Governance at every level, be it national, provincial or local, is established for a specific purpose. The challenges it faces and the areas of delivery it superintends, are diverse and well- known, or should be. That being the case, what is worth capturing in a presention by the head of state or province and to what extent, on each occasion? The success of the message being communicated as intended, lies in significance attribution to it, as received and interpreted by its audience, inside and outside of governance.
Article 2 Paragraph 7 of the United Nations Charter provides that no country in the world should interfere in matters which are 'essentially domestic to the sovereignty of a member state." That is the pronouncement which was used in 1966 by the International Court if Justice, in a case brought to it on the apartheid policy of South Africa.
In 1962 Ethiopia and Liberia, amongst only a few of independent African countries at the time, laid a charge against the South Africa for its repressive race policy, which amongst other things, had led to incarceration, house arrest and displacement opponents of the state policy. This was resorted to, because South Africa's position as erstwhile member of the UN, enjoyed the support of the USA, UK and France, through their power of veto in the UN Security Council. The said body was, therefore, prevented from taking any punitive action against South Africa.
In its adjudication in 1966 the ICJ dismissed the application of the two African states as unwarranted. That is how the USA supported South Africa's race policy. Donald Trump is now opposed to land expropriation, which is meant to be a significant measure of redress. For a change, political formations are unanimous in disapproving the American intent to withdraw financial aid, amongst contemplated reprisals. So much for qualified unanimity!
One wishes that politicians in general should know what the political bearers should and can do. The mixed responses which have been articulated are a matter of grave concern. What should people regard as the contents and intent of SONA?
This is an overarching statement of direction, presented by the State President. It should not be expected for this incumbent to make pronouncements on specifications. Otherwise he would have to deliver a dissertation on the comprehensive programme of action.
The president has to identify policy issues, which are left to dedicated state departments for amplification and refinement into executive policies. Any specification should be regarded as examples of things to be done. The question or query on exactly how is impertinent. The President is not an operations manager. That is where many politicians who comment on SONA falter in a big way.
The ministers of state have the mandate and responsibility to develop policies pertaining to their respective portfolios. Towards that end, they should have,at their disposal advisory/ investigative agencies, which would provide relevant data on which to develop workable and desirable policies. Investigation and deliberation could yield a draft policy on a chosen public need, which upon consultation with the citizenry could be crafted and finalised as a policy statement or a draft bill for parliament. One would have expected BELA to have taken this route. It certainly did not. But the South African Schools Act, amended by BELA, took that route. That is awkward.
Still the issue of policy development. It is quite disturbing to note that, except for the higher education legislation of 1997, the ministry of higher education has never developed any policies which impact significsntly on the functioning of universities. This is not merely about funding. It should be about plans to integrate higher education with economic development, with special emphasis on the rate of return and cost- benefit analysis. What is the role of university education in economic development? Do the postulations cohere with concrete practices? What particular skills require university education, as against the TVeT option? Are there any established and desirable measures of articulation between the university and the TVeT college. If none, why not? If yes, to what end. What does it mean to have engineering offered at a TVeT as well as a university? What is the actual role of the ministry of higher education in these two areas of post- school education?
Does the minister of basic education bother about what happens to the ever increasing number of high school graduates? Our school education typifies 'a treadmill syndrome.' The ministry and his/ her structures of management operate like a mule, harnessed to a treadmill, to pump out as much water as would justify the operations. The time-lines and units of output are carefully monitored, but the product churned out is left to chance. Nowhere is there observable synergy or functional connectivity between the ministry of basic education and that of higher education. Yet it is all about education.
So far I have not said anything about provincial, structures of governance, because policies are determined at the centre. MECs are no more than advanced 'political prefects, with the premier as 'chief prefect.' The decisions taken at the provincial level have to accord with policy directions, decided at national level. If there are quibbles about my usage, note the following definition of a government prefect:
" A government prefect is a high- ranking official, responsible for administering a region, province or department or organisation." This definition has nothing to do with a school prefect.
I am still to be convinced about the utility of a parliament of 400 members, whose number bears no relation to what could be the constituency distribution on South Africa's political map. I am also aware that provincialisation of this map was dictated largely by political aspirations which emanated from the bantustsn policy and the creation of homelands. Seven out of nine provinces were specifically sited on former bantu homelands. If constituency representation were to be implemented, the number of parliamentarians as well as that of provincial legislators, would be drastically reduced. Meanwhile we have the heavy price to pay, for the massive governance structures and sub- structures, supplemented by an elaborate bureaucratic apparatus.
